• slot resmi
  • bos288
  • bos288
  • bos288
  • bos288
  • bos288
  • bos288
  • bos288
  • bos288
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • dewirp
  • dewirp
  • dewirp
  • dewirp
  • dewirp
  • dewirp
  • dewirp
  • dewirp
  • dewirp
  • nagarp
  • nagarp
  • nagarp
  • nagarp
  • nagarp
  • nagarp
  • nagarp
  • nagarp
  • nagarp
  • nagarp
  • nagarp
  • nagarp
  • rodarp
  • rodarp
  • rodarp
  • rodarp
  • rodarp
  • rodarp
  • rodarp
  • rodarp
  • agenrp
  • agenrp
  • agenrp
  • agenrp
  • agenrp
  • agenrp
  • agenrp
  • agenrp
  • slot gacor
  • slot gacor
  • slot gacor
  • slot gacor
  • slot gacor
  • slot gacor
  • slot gacor
  • slot gacor
  • slot88
  • raja168
  • agenrp
  • slot gacor
  • nagarp
  • rodarp
  • rodarp
  • agenrp
  • raja168
  • fijislot
  • emas288
  • bos288
  • raja168
  • bos288
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • raja168
  • emas288
  • agenrp
  • agenrp
  • bos288
  • bos288
  • bos288
  • STATISTICAL CUES AND MORPHOSYNTATIC INFLUENCES ON THE ACQUISITION OF WH-QUESTIONS IN BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE

    Clariana Vieira,
    Elaine Grolla

    Abstract

    In Brazilian Portuguese (BrP), WH-fronting in questions is assumed to be optional. If this assumption holds true, we would expect the WH-in situ strategy to be more frequent at early stages of children's linguistic development, since, according to the analysis adopted here, it would require fewer derivational steps. Sikansi (1999) and Grolla (2000, 2009), however, point out that children rarely produce this construction, despite it being frequent in adult speech (Lopes-Rossi, 1996; Oushiro, 2010). Given this asymmetry, the present study aims to examine the production of WH-in situ questions by adults and children using naturalistic data. The analyzed corpus includes approximately 154 hours of recordings, containing WH-questions produced by four children acquiring BrP as their first language, aged between 1;02.28 and 5;06.07, as well as 23 adults interacting with them (Santana-Santos corpus). The results suggest that the WH-in situ structure is not as productive in child-directed speech as it is in adult-to-adult interactions, and that children seem to follow the statistical cues provided by the input, with the WH-in situ strategy comprising less than 2% of their WH-question production.

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