In the conference “How Pidgins Emerged? Not as We Have Been Told” de-livered by Salikoko S. Mufwene, professor at the Department of Linguistics of The University of Chicago, and distinguished specialist in the study of languages classified as pidgins and creoles, much of the traditional narrative about the emergence of pidgins and creoles is brought into question. All of Mufwene’s work challenges the traditional narrative about pidgins and creoles by, among other things, redefining the comprehension about the labels “pidgin” and “creole”. According to Mufwene, pidgin and creoles developed in separate places, in different ecologies, and in different periods. From this perspective, the labels “pidgin” and “creole” are understood as sociohistorical labels, not as indicating a structural typology or stages of a Pidgin-to-Creole life cycle.
Na conferência “
The conference “How Pidgins Emerged? Not as We Have Been Told
Creole genesis is often explained in handbooks of Linguistics, dictionaries of Linguistics, and consequently, in classes of Linguistics exclusively in the classic model known as “Pidgin-to-Creole life cycle”. Such a cycle, in summary, is said to have the following stages: pidgin → creole → post-creole (HALL 1962, 1966
Mufwene commences by pointing out to the traditional narrative in Linguistics on the development of pidgins. Pidgins are said to be languages that developed from sporadic contact of European traders with non-Europeans between the 15th and the 19th centuries. Out of these contacts, reduced and less complex languages resulted because of ‘imperfect learning’ (as it is often referred to in Linguistics). As time went by, pidgins have undergone the process of nativization and now, having native speakers, they evolved into creole languages. Indeed, the traditional thinking is that pidgins do not have native speakers whereas creoles do (see BICKERTON 1984
In many of his papers, and also in the conference that is subject of this review, Mufwene points out that the traditional narrative of creole genesis has proven to be ahistorical and anachronic. With that in mind, he introduces a series of factors that are oftentimes left aside in the traditional narrative. It is critical to understand, for instance, how trade worked and how social interaction during trade was managed. It is also very important to understand the order of the processes of globalization, and the particular ecology of each case where a contact language was created. It is important to take into account History. Since I am not going to give all the details about Mufwene’s argumentation, I advise those who are interested in this subject to refer to Mufwene (2007)
Mufwene then proceeds with his explanation that “pidgin” and “creole” are sociohistorical labels, not stages of a cycle. Based on historical facts, he shows that creoles and pidgins developed in different ecologies and in different times. In Mufwene (2015)
There are many reasons one can give to favor the idea that is it particularly important to reevaluate the traditional narrative on creole genesis. I will mention a few, in a superficial fashion, but I hope the sources I cite in this review are used by the readers to remedy it.
The idea that contact languages undergo a life cycle has also brought the idea that creole languages are an exception to all other natural languages. In turn, many creole-specific theories emerged in order to explain creole genesis. These theories, however, do not consider sociohistorical facts that are vital to take into account if one wants to understand the history of these languages as well as how their development took place.
Some of the ideas that come along with the traditional thinking in creolistics are: (1) break of regular linguistic transmission, (2) imperfect learning, (3) break in the genetic relationship of these languages with those that contributed to their emergence. It is also quite common to read works that question the complexity of pidgins and creoles. In Dixon (2010, p. 21)
Well, is it so that the faculty of language of the first pidgin and creole speakers works differently from that of speakers of languages that are not labelled pidgins or creoles? For a long time, the idea prevailed that these speakers belonged to a “race that is linguistically inferior”, as we read in Julien Vinson’s “Dictionnaire des Sciences Anthropologiques
Besides Mufwene, other linguists who also challenge the traditional thinking of creolistics are Enoch Aboh, Michel DeGraff and Umberto Ansaldo, to name a few. I encourage those who are interested in giving creole studies a second look to read Ansaldo